بعثیسم

بعثیسم

البعثية
بعثیسم; البعثية
	پرچم حزب بعث برگرفته از پرچم انقلاب عربی
بنیان‌گذار	میشل عفلق
مرام سیاسی	ملی‌گرایی عربی; سوسیالیسم عربی; پان‌عربیسم; سوسیالیسم انقلابی; پوپولیسم جناح چپ; جمهوری‌خواهی; سکولاریسم; امپریالیسم‌ستیزی; صهیونیسم‌ستیزی;
طیف سیاسی	جناح چپ
شعار	«وحدت، آزادی، سوسیالیسم»; «یک ملت عرب واحد با مأموریت ابدی»

بعثیسم یا بعث‌گرایی (به عربی: الْبَعْثِيَّة)، به ایدئولوژی حزب بعث گفته می‌شود که مشوق پان‌عربیسم و ایجاد کشور واحد عربی است. به‌طور خلاصه، بعثیسم بر روی دو آرمان سوسیالیسم و ملی‌گرایی عربی تکیه دارد. گفتمان بعثیسم از درون بحرانی عمیق در جهان عرب پدید آمد که «چندپارگی اعراب»، «تسلط امپریالیسم اروپایی» و «فشار استبداد داخلی» سه ضلع این بحران را تشکیل می‌دادند. در چنین شرایطی، منطقی به نظر می‌رسید که حزب بعث گفتمان خود را پیرامون سه اصل اساسی «وحدت، آزادی، سوسیالیسم» (الوحده، الحریه، الاشتراکیه) طرح‌ریزی کند.^[۱۶]

پس از انشقاق در حزب بعث، بعثیسم عراقی و سوری از هم فاصله گرفتند و پس از سرنگونی رژیم صدام در عراق و جنگ داخلی سوریه، این حزب در ضعیف‌ترین حالت خود قرار گرفت و درنهایت، پس از سقوط رژیم اسد در سوریه، این ایدئولوژی سیاسی به تاریخ سپرده شد. با سرنگونی رژیم صدام، برخی از بعثی‌های عراقی با گروه‌های تندرو و سلفی داخل عراق، هم‌پیمان شدند. اسناد به‌دست آمده از داعش نشان می‌دهد مغز متفکّر و اجرایی تصرف موصل، تکریت و دیگر شهرها برخی افسران پیشین ارتش بعثی عراق بودند.^[۱۷]

گفتمان بعثیسم

گفتمان بعثیسم بر سه اصل «وحدت عربی، آزادی و سوسیالیسم» استوار بود:

وحدت عربی: گفتمان بعثیسم تجلی اندیشهٔ ناسیونالیسم عربی است که چندپارگی اعراب را حاصل حاکم شدن امپریالیسم بر اعراب می‌دانست و به همین دلیل با آن ضدیت داشت. محور اصلی گفتمان بعثیسم، وحدت عربی است. اصل نخست اساسنامهٔ حزب که در ۱۹۴۷ در قهوه‌خانهٔ الرشید دمشق به تصویب رسید، چنین می‌گوید: «اعراب امتی واحد هستند. حق طبیعی این امت است که دولتی واحد داشته باشد و در تعیین مقدرات خود آزاد باشد.» بنابراین، «وطن عربی یک واحد سیاسی و اقتصادی غیرقابل تفکیک است و برای هیچ‌یک از سرزمین‌های عربی ممکن نیست که جدای از دیگران زندگی کند.» میشل عفلق اعتقاد عمیق خود به ناسیونالیسم عربی را با توصیف اعراب به عنوان «امت عربی واحدی که رسالتی جاودانه دارد.» نشان می‌دهد. در گفتمان بعثیسم، اندیشهٔ خلوص نژاد عربی یا شوونیسم قومی وجود ندارد و وحدت حاصل نوعی اندیشهٔ آرمان‌گرایانه است که برای امت عربی ویژگی‌های سترگی برمی‌شمارد.
آزادی: مفهوم آزادی (حریه) در گفتمان بعثی به‌هیچ‌وجه به معنای لیبرال دموکراسی نیست، بلکه بیشتر به معنای رهایی از سرکوب استعماری است. این نوع آزادی به دموکراسی نزدیک نمی‌شود؛ چرا که عفلق خود تأکید داشت که حزب بعث حداقل در تئوری و برای یک دورهٔ گذار بدون مشورت با مردم حکومت خواهد کرد. عفلق به نوعی دموکراسی درون حزبی معتقد بود؛ امّا در مورد دموکراسی همگانی اولویتی قائل نبود و تحقق آرمان‌های گفتمان بعثیسم را در گرو آن نمی‌دانست. در اندیشهٔ بنیان‌گذاران حزب بعث، زندگی تحت یوغ امپریالیسم، استعمار و دیکتاتوری غیرروشنگر (در بعثیسم دیکتاتوری روشنگر پذیرفته شده است و بلکه تجویز می‌شود) آزادی را تضعیف می‌کند و شرایطی را فراهم می‌کند که در آن اندیشه‌ها به‌جای اینکه از پایین، یعنی از تعامل انسان‌ها نشأت گیرند، از بالا تحمیل شوند. به نظر میشل عفلق، بنیان‌گذار حزب و پدر فکری آن، در لوای آزادی است که امکان مبارزه و اعتراض به توده‌های مردم داده می‌شود.
سوسیالیسم: سوسیالیسم بعثی برداشت خاصی از سوسیالیسم است که با آنچه در غرب از آن یاد می‌شود، متفاوت است. با وجود این، اندیشمندان اوّلیّهٔ بعثی علاقهٔ خاصی به مارکسیسم داشتند. عفلق مخالف بود که ماتریالیسم دیالکتیک تنها حقیقت و نیروی محرک تاریخ است. سوسیالیست‌های بعثی تأکید داشتند که مارکس و مارکسیست‌های غربی جنبهٔ معنوی و روحانی انسان را فراموش کرده‌اند. میشل عفلق این نوع خاص سوسیالیسم را سوسیالیسم عربی می‌نامید و معتقد بود تعالیم و اصلاحات محمد (اسلام) بیانگر سوسیالیسم عربی اصیل بوده است. سوسیالیسم در نگاه او که یک مسیحی بود، چیزی جز عدالت نبود و پیامبر اسلام هم نماد عدالت بود و هم عقلانیت و فرزانگی. حزب بعث نیز در زمان کنونی راه دیگری را برای تحقق عدالت می‌گشاید که در امتداد همان راه پیامبر اسلام است. سوسیالیسم در گفتمان بعثیسم ابزاری لازم برای دستیابی به دوره‌ای از رنسانس (باززایی) عربی و دوره‌ای از مدرن شدن است و سوسیالیسم نظامی بود که مردم را از بردگی نجات می‌داد و آن‌ها را تبدیل به افرادی مستقل می‌کرد. به‌طور خلاصه، برای تحقق آزادی و وحدت، امت عربی به سوسیالیسم نیاز داشت.

میشل عفلق

بعثیسم و اسلام

تسلط اندیشه‌های میشل عفلق که یک مسیحی ارتدوکس بود و رواج ملی‌گرایی و سوسیالیسم به عنوان «ایدئولوژی زمان» مانع از آن شد که هرگز اسلام به عنوان نقطهٔ مرکزی بعثیسم مطرح شود. به‌طور کل، دیدگاه بعثیسم نسبت به حکومت، دیدگاهی سکولار است و استفادهٔ افرادی چون صدام حسین از امتیاز اسلام، بیشتر استفاده‌ای ابزاری به منظور همراه کردن بیشتر اعراب است. در چنین گفتمانی، اسلام به عنوان امتیاز عرب بر غیرعرب تلقی می‌شود. از این منظر، اسلام یک جنبش عربی بود که مفهوم آن عبارت بود از تجدید حیات و تکامل عربیسم. در یک‌کلام، در ایدئولوژی بعث اسلام یک پدیدهٔ تمدّن عربی است.

جستارهای وابسته

منابع

↑ Milton-Edwards, Beverley (2005). Islamic Fundamentalism Since 1945 (به انگلیسی). Psychology Press. p. 35. ISBN 978-0-415-30173-2. Ba'athism as an expression of Arab nationalist identity had little patience for a political discourse limited by an attachment to a single faith system. For the founders of Ba'athism, the principles of secular, nationalist socialism would unite all Arabs irrespective of religion, nation or class.
↑ Matthews, Ken (2003). The Gulf Conflict and International Relations (به انگلیسی). Routledge. p. 36. ISBN 978-1-134-90458-7. Ba'athism is a mixture of pan-Arabism and Arab socialism. Its ideology laid down by the Ba'ath founder, Michel Aflaq, calls on a number of potentially incompatible and conflicting ideas. It is pan-Arabist in its aspirations yet appeals to individual nationalisms. It assumes the existence of an Arab nation and calls for the establishment of a single Arab state, but at the same time is used by its leaders in Syria and Iraq as a powerful mechanism for establishing the power and legitimacy of those states. It appeals to Islamic religious principles and the traditions of Arab history whilst at the same time aspiring to create a secular modernity, which it recognises as the basis of western prosperity and power. The socialist dimension of Ba'athism is reflected in its claim to eliminate the conflict between the different ethnic groups found in Middle Eastern countries, thus denying the monopoly of power to any one group. In practice, particularly under the rule of Saddam Hussein, it has on the contrary resulted in the concentration of power into the hands of a small clique, many of the members of which have family connections. From an international perspective Ba'athism's socialist aspirations entail the rejection of liberal economics based upon capitalistic principles and, at least in Cold War terms, it saw the Soviet Union as its natural major supporter in its stand against what it conceives to be western imperialist influence and intervention in the Middle East.
↑ Yassine-Hamdan, Nahla; Pearson, Frederic (2014). Arab Approaches to Conflict Resolution: Mediation, Negotiation and Settlement of Political Disputes (به انگلیسی). Routledge. p. 119. ISBN 978-1-136-65866-2. The Ba'ath ideology was comprised of rigid systems of beliefs, with the idea of Arab unity as the main core. Ba'athists believed that they should use all means, including coercive measures, to achieve this goal.
↑ Matthews, Ken (2003). The Gulf Conflict and International Relations (به انگلیسی). Routledge. p. 36. ISBN 978-1-134-90458-7. Ba'athism is a revolutionary philosophy whose technique has been to foster and lead revolution from below—the very fragmentation of many Islamic societies precludes sufficient solidarity at the grass-roots to make a general uprising a viable strategy. The method is to capture power by whatever means possible and institute the revolution from above.
↑ Matar, Linda; Kadri, Ali (2018). Syria: From National Independence to Proxy War (به انگلیسی). Springer. p. 213. ISBN 978-3-319-98458-2. Ba'athism emerged as part of a global efflorescence of populist, socialist, and other anti-systemic movements encompassing the 1917–1973 wave of national revolts which went by various names, including the anticolonial movements or the emergence of the South... Forces of socialism, communism, and left-wing Ba'athism were increasingly setting the agenda within Syria.
↑ Humphreys, R. Stephen (2005). Between Memory and Desire: The Middle East in a Troubled Age (به انگلیسی). University of California Press. p. 73. ISBN 978-0-520-93258-6. The Baath was the most ardently Pan-Arabist movement of all; its program combined a secularist worldview, populism, a vaguely Marxist socioeconomic program, and a visionary dream of a single Arab nation stretching from Morocco to Iraq.
↑ Dawisha, Adeed I. (1980). Syria and the Lebanese Crisis (به انگلیسی). Springer. p. 46. ISBN 978-1-349-05371-1. For the Party to succeed in achieving these aims, Aflaq insisted that the Baath had to be nationalist, populist, socialist and revolutionary. The radicalism of the Baath later became more manifest as a result of the Sixth National Congress held in Damascus in October 1963. The Congress declared the peasants and workers to constitute the base not only of the 'Arab revolution' but also, and more significantly, of the Party itself. Accordingly, only peasants, workers and revolutionary intellectuals of civilian or military background could accomplish the socialist revolution. Moreover, the Congress insisted on the need for workers' control of the means of production, and for an agrarian reform where collective farms would be governed by peasants.
↑ Olson, Wm J. (2021). U.S. Strategic Interests In The Gulf Region (به انگلیسی). Routledge. ISBN 978-1-00-000995-8. The traditional Gulf states now represented by the GCC have accordingly grave concerns for the security of their monarchist regimes from republican radicalism on the left as represented by Iraqi Ba'athism or South Yemeni Marxism or republican radicalism on the right as represented by religious fundamentalism.
↑ Graz, Liesl (1992). The Turbulent Gulf (به انگلیسی). Bloomsbury Academic. p. 48. ISBN 978-1-85043-557-0. Ba'athism is not democracy, but it is indissolubly linked to a republican form of government.
↑ Milton-Edwards, Beverley (2005). Islamic Fundamentalism Since 1945 (به انگلیسی). Psychology Press. p. 35. ISBN 978-0-415-30173-2. Ba'athism as an expression of Arab nationalist identity had little patience for a political discourse limited by an attachment to a single faith system. For the founders of Ba'athism, the principles of secular, nationalist socialism would unite all Arabs irrespective of religion, nation or class.
↑ Bieber, Florian (2020). Debating Nationalism: The Global Spread of Nations (به انگلیسی). Bloomsbury Academic. p. 94. ISBN 978-1-350-09810-7. Ba'athism and most other Arab nationalist movements drew on the widespread anti-colonial themes as well as on hostility toward Israel, which became associated with colonialism in pan-Arab discourse.
↑ Andrews, John (2010). The Economist Book of Isms (به انگلیسی). Profile Books. p. 24. ISBN 978-1-84765-179-2. Ba'athism espouses, at least in theory, non-alignment, pan-Arabism and anti-imperialism (in practice, Ba'athists aligned themselves with the Soviet Union during the cold war).
↑ Bieber, Florian (2020). Debating Nationalism: The Global Spread of Nations (به انگلیسی). Bloomsbury Academic. p. 94. ISBN 978-1-350-09810-7. Ba'athism and most other Arab nationalist movements drew on the widespread anti-colonial themes as well as on hostility toward Israel, which became associated with colonialism in pan-Arab discourse.
↑ Devlin 1975, p. 22.
↑ Bengio, Ofra (1998). Saddam's Word: Political Discourse in Iraq (Paperback). Oxford, England, UK; New York, New York, US: Oxford University Press. p. 35. شابک ‎۹۷۸−۰−۱۹−۵۱۱۴۳۹−۳. "The name Ba'th at once evokes the party's central slogans: "A single Arab nation with an eternal mission" and "Unity, freedom, socialism." The first slogan echoes several verses of the Qur'an where the words umma wahida (one nation) appear. Verse 209 of the sura al-Baqara, for instance, reads: "The people were one nation; then God sent forth the Prophets, good tidings to bear and warning." The whole party phrase, with its internal rhyme in Arabic, elicits a longing for completeness, a yearning for a messanic transformatin. The glorious past of the Arabs is made the source and aim fo emulation. Arsuzi wrote: "The Arabs conquered the world in order to civilize itt and for that vision they sacrificed their lives... They spread their rule from the Chinese Wall to the Atlantic Ocean and from the center of Europe to the center of Africa... One caliph, one law, one official language."
↑ «نسخه آرشیو شده». بایگانی‌شده از اصلی در ۲۳ ژوئن ۲۰۱۵. دریافت‌شده در ۶ ژوئن ۲۰۱۵.
↑ http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2015/4/20/documents-suggest-iraqi-officer-under-saddam-masterminded-rise-of-isil.html

[1] Milton-Edwards, Beverley (2005). Islamic Fundamentalism Since 1945 (به انگلیسی). Psychology Press. p. 35. ISBN 978-0-415-30173-2. Ba'athism as an expression of Arab nationalist identity had little patience for a political discourse limited by an attachment to a single faith system. For the founders of Ba'athism, the principles of secular, nationalist socialism would unite all Arabs irrespective of religion, nation or class.

[2] Matthews, Ken (2003). The Gulf Conflict and International Relations (به انگلیسی). Routledge. p. 36. ISBN 978-1-134-90458-7. Ba'athism is a mixture of pan-Arabism and Arab socialism. Its ideology laid down by the Ba'ath founder, Michel Aflaq, calls on a number of potentially incompatible and conflicting ideas. It is pan-Arabist in its aspirations yet appeals to individual nationalisms. It assumes the existence of an Arab nation and calls for the establishment of a single Arab state, but at the same time is used by its leaders in Syria and Iraq as a powerful mechanism for establishing the power and legitimacy of those states. It appeals to Islamic religious principles and the traditions of Arab history whilst at the same time aspiring to create a secular modernity, which it recognises as the basis of western prosperity and power. The socialist dimension of Ba'athism is reflected in its claim to eliminate the conflict between the different ethnic groups found in Middle Eastern countries, thus denying the monopoly of power to any one group. In practice, particularly under the rule of Saddam Hussein, it has on the contrary resulted in the concentration of power into the hands of a small clique, many of the members of which have family connections. From an international perspective Ba'athism's socialist aspirations entail the rejection of liberal economics based upon capitalistic principles and, at least in Cold War terms, it saw the Soviet Union as its natural major supporter in its stand against what it conceives to be western imperialist influence and intervention in the Middle East.

[3] Yassine-Hamdan, Nahla; Pearson, Frederic (2014). Arab Approaches to Conflict Resolution: Mediation, Negotiation and Settlement of Political Disputes (به انگلیسی). Routledge. p. 119. ISBN 978-1-136-65866-2. The Ba'ath ideology was comprised of rigid systems of beliefs, with the idea of Arab unity as the main core. Ba'athists believed that they should use all means, including coercive measures, to achieve this goal.

[4] Matthews, Ken (2003). The Gulf Conflict and International Relations (به انگلیسی). Routledge. p. 36. ISBN 978-1-134-90458-7. Ba'athism is a revolutionary philosophy whose technique has been to foster and lead revolution from below—the very fragmentation of many Islamic societies precludes sufficient solidarity at the grass-roots to make a general uprising a viable strategy. The method is to capture power by whatever means possible and institute the revolution from above.

[5] Matar, Linda; Kadri, Ali (2018). Syria: From National Independence to Proxy War (به انگلیسی). Springer. p. 213. ISBN 978-3-319-98458-2. Ba'athism emerged as part of a global efflorescence of populist, socialist, and other anti-systemic movements encompassing the 1917–1973 wave of national revolts which went by various names, including the anticolonial movements or the emergence of the South... Forces of socialism, communism, and left-wing Ba'athism were increasingly setting the agenda within Syria.

[6] Humphreys, R. Stephen (2005). Between Memory and Desire: The Middle East in a Troubled Age (به انگلیسی). University of California Press. p. 73. ISBN 978-0-520-93258-6. The Baath was the most ardently Pan-Arabist movement of all; its program combined a secularist worldview, populism, a vaguely Marxist socioeconomic program, and a visionary dream of a single Arab nation stretching from Morocco to Iraq.

[7] Dawisha, Adeed I. (1980). Syria and the Lebanese Crisis (به انگلیسی). Springer. p. 46. ISBN 978-1-349-05371-1. For the Party to succeed in achieving these aims, Aflaq insisted that the Baath had to be nationalist, populist, socialist and revolutionary. The radicalism of the Baath later became more manifest as a result of the Sixth National Congress held in Damascus in October 1963. The Congress declared the peasants and workers to constitute the base not only of the 'Arab revolution' but also, and more significantly, of the Party itself. Accordingly, only peasants, workers and revolutionary intellectuals of civilian or military background could accomplish the socialist revolution. Moreover, the Congress insisted on the need for workers' control of the means of production, and for an agrarian reform where collective farms would be governed by peasants.

[8] Olson, Wm J. (2021). U.S. Strategic Interests In The Gulf Region (به انگلیسی). Routledge. ISBN 978-1-00-000995-8. The traditional Gulf states now represented by the GCC have accordingly grave concerns for the security of their monarchist regimes from republican radicalism on the left as represented by Iraqi Ba'athism or South Yemeni Marxism or republican radicalism on the right as represented by religious fundamentalism.

[9] Graz, Liesl (1992). The Turbulent Gulf (به انگلیسی). Bloomsbury Academic. p. 48. ISBN 978-1-85043-557-0. Ba'athism is not democracy, but it is indissolubly linked to a republican form of government.

[10] Milton-Edwards, Beverley (2005). Islamic Fundamentalism Since 1945 (به انگلیسی). Psychology Press. p. 35. ISBN 978-0-415-30173-2. Ba'athism as an expression of Arab nationalist identity had little patience for a political discourse limited by an attachment to a single faith system. For the founders of Ba'athism, the principles of secular, nationalist socialism would unite all Arabs irrespective of religion, nation or class.

[11] Bieber, Florian (2020). Debating Nationalism: The Global Spread of Nations (به انگلیسی). Bloomsbury Academic. p. 94. ISBN 978-1-350-09810-7. Ba'athism and most other Arab nationalist movements drew on the widespread anti-colonial themes as well as on hostility toward Israel, which became associated with colonialism in pan-Arab discourse.

[12] Andrews, John (2010). The Economist Book of Isms (به انگلیسی). Profile Books. p. 24. ISBN 978-1-84765-179-2. Ba'athism espouses, at least in theory, non-alignment, pan-Arabism and anti-imperialism (in practice, Ba'athists aligned themselves with the Soviet Union during the cold war).

[13] Bieber, Florian (2020). Debating Nationalism: The Global Spread of Nations (به انگلیسی). Bloomsbury Academic. p. 94. ISBN 978-1-350-09810-7. Ba'athism and most other Arab nationalist movements drew on the widespread anti-colonial themes as well as on hostility toward Israel, which became associated with colonialism in pan-Arab discourse.

[FOOTNOTEDevlin197522-14] Devlin 1975, p. 22.

[15] Bengio, Ofra (1998). Saddam's Word: Political Discourse in Iraq (Paperback). Oxford, England, UK; New York, New York, US: Oxford University Press. p. 35. شابک ‎۹۷۸−۰−۱۹−۵۱۱۴۳۹−۳. "The name Ba'th at once evokes the party's central slogans: "A single Arab nation with an eternal mission" and "Unity, freedom, socialism." The first slogan echoes several verses of the Qur'an where the words umma wahida (one nation) appear. Verse 209 of the sura al-Baqara, for instance, reads: "The people were one nation; then God sent forth the Prophets, good tidings to bear and warning." The whole party phrase, with its internal rhyme in Arabic, elicits a longing for completeness, a yearning for a messanic transformatin. The glorious past of the Arabs is made the source and aim fo emulation. Arsuzi wrote: "The Arabs conquered the world in order to civilize itt and for that vision they sacrificed their lives... They spread their rule from the Chinese Wall to the Atlantic Ocean and from the center of Europe to the center of Africa... One caliph, one law, one official language."

[16] «نسخه آرشیو شده». بایگانی‌شده از اصلی در ۲۳ ژوئن ۲۰۱۵. دریافت‌شده در ۶ ژوئن ۲۰۱۵.

[17] ttp://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2015/4/20/documents-suggest-iraqi-officer-under-saddam-masterminded-rise-of-isil.html

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